Magalhes, Do the Rich and the Poor Have Different Conceptions of Democracy? It finds the parapolitics process itself redefined the justices interests, self-perceptions, and, consequently, limits of jurisdiction. This article explores these questions by examining whether ethnic groups who were privileged during the colonial period are more likely to hold political power decades later. The article develops this theory by examining sub-regional variations in Islamist mobilization on the Indonesian island of Java. Using new estimates of the ideological position of legislative parties, we show that new party entry was not driven by polarization or convergence among traditional parties. This article provides an empirical contribution to the recent literature on inequality, which highlights the role of domestic institutions but ignores the role of the Cold War in redistributing income. Using interview data from security personnel in China, this study expands current conceptualizations of authoritarian durability and coercive capacity to consider a wide range of security activities. Instead, they spoke of a felt gap between national and local levels. Over the past three decades, the region has undergone significant changes. To do so, I conduct a multiple case study analysis of twenty-five sub-Saharan countries from which I create an original dataset of how ethnic groups were positioned during the latter stages of colonialism.
Supporters, then, have incentives to help the incumbent, which makes their original commitment to provide political services a credible one. Aram Hur, Refugee Perceptions toward Democratic Citizenship: A Narrative Analysis of North Koreans This article examines the informal dimension of political integration for refugees: how, after a lifetime of authoritarianism, do they make sense of their newfound democratic citizenship? Despite similar levels of grievances around educated unemployment, reversals in guaranteed employment schemes, and similarly restrictive conditions for mobilization, unemployed graduates associations formed in Morocco and Tunisia but not in Egypt. Despite this, we know little about how much public participation actually affects the constitution. Over the past three decades, participatory methods of constitution making have gained increasing acceptance and are now an indispensable part of any constitution-making process. Latin American countries have been described as truncated welfare states. In this article, we review three recent political science books about the perpetrators of anti-Semitic violence, the responses of their Jewish victims, and the rescue efforts that helped European Jews evade violence. I find that many of the assumptions made in the scholarship about the importance of colonial privilege are not supported by these models.
Understanding how women democratically access these posts requires theorizing how they gain resources from established parties to mount viable electoral campaigns. We construct a database on paid parental leaves for Latin American countries from 2000 to 2016. Expectations derived from the experiments about the individual-level determinants of rentier reform preferences are then tested using data from a follow-up survey. We explore the plausibility of our argument by process tracing the evolution of protests in urban and rural areas in Vietnam in the pre-Internet and in the Internet eras. Fears of Islamists pushed both elites and masses to update their preferences, seek refuge in old regime bargains, and reinstate authoritarianism. Note that uninstalling MS Java will not cause any Microsoft applications to stop working. I argue that elites utilize the cue of disposition to determine the consequences of enfranchisement. Using survey data from federal legislators, we rule out the possibility of new issue-based multidimensionality.
The results, reinforced by cases studied, suggest that the spread of communism fostered income redistribution deals between domestic elites and workers. Furthermore, we argue that income inequality amplifies these dynamics, widening the gap between low and high status individuals. Corby, Jennifer T22:07:3400:00, virginia Oliveros, Working for the Machine: Patronage Jobs and Political Services. Marie-Eve Desrosiers, Making Do with Soft Authoritarianism in Pre-Genocide Rwanda The article looks at Rwandans engagement with authoritarianism prior to the 1994 genocide and, more broadly, at life under soft authoritarian settings. For refugees who feel co-national identification with South Koreans, a deeply communal script of duty to the nationsocialized in the authoritarian Northis extended toward South Korea, framing new democratic roles such as voting as a matter of obligation.
We illustrate this typology with qualitative evidence from northern Cte dIvoire. Beth Rabinowitz, Ethnicity and Power in Sub-Saharan Africa: Do Colonial Institutions Still Matter? Using case law research, archival research, and interviews, I demonstrate the utility of the audience-based framework for explaining judicial behavior in authoritarian regimes by exploring cross-temporal variation across authoritarian regimes in Pakistan. We theorize and study the way in which court rulings in relation to parliamentary election petitions shape public perceptions of election and judicial legitimacy. Chinas high-profile anti-pollution campaigns have fueled theories of authoritarian environmental efficiency.
Put together, these dimensions produce four trajectories of ex-rebel authority. Click here to find the currently supported versions of Internet Explorer, Firefox, Safari or Chrome. I draw on basic tenets of bounded rationality and recent advances within the field of cognitive heuristics to demonstrate how cues generated from domestic and regional developments triggered stronger demands for security and stability. Instead, I point to the power of ideologically conducive frames for mobilization around the time that grievances become salient. The 1991 Uprisingsanti-regime protests across Iraqi provinceswere a turning point for Saddam Hussein and the Bath Party. When adjustment policies were adopted without compensation, power was dispersed in an archipelago of activists.